This timeline traces the evolution of blasphemy politics in Pakistan, from its colonial origins to its deep entrenchment in modern-day society. It highlights how legal amendments, court rulings, political maneuvering, and violent street movements transformed what were once rarely invoked colonial provisions into instruments of fear and control. Each milestone reveals how state policies, religious mobilization, and shifting public sentiment have progressively hardened the country’s approach to faith and dissent, shaping the landscape of Pakistan’s blasphemy laws and the culture that sustains them.
1860 — Colonial baseline (Indian Penal Code).
The British enacted the IPC, including §§ 295–298 (“offences relating to religion”) aimed at maintaining public order in a multi-religious colony.
1927–1929 — “Insult to religion” added after riots (Section 295-A).
Following controversy and violence around the pamphlet Rangila Rasul, the Raj adds § 295-A (criminalizing “deliberate and malicious” insults to religion). This becomes the template inherited by Pakistan.
1947 — Pakistan adopts the Penal Code.
At independence, Pakistan carries over the IPC as the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC), including § 295-A and related provisions.
1974 — Constitutional backdrop (Ahmadis declared non-Muslim).
Parliament’s Second Amendment declares Ahmadis non-Muslim, laying political ground for later PPC clauses targeting them. (Not a penal provision, but crucial context.)
1980 — Start of Zia-era Islamization (Section 298-A).
New offence: “derogatory remarks about holy personages” (Prophet’s family, companions, caliphs), expanding beyond public-order logic to creed-specific protection.
1982 — Quran desecration criminalized (Section 295-B).
Life imprisonment for “defiling” the Qur’an—first major leap in penalties tied to Islamic sacred objects.
1984 — Anti-Ahmadi ordinances (Sections 298-B/C).
Ordinance XX prohibits Ahmadis from using Islamic epithets and practices; up to three years’ imprisonment—entrenching creed-specific criminalization.
1986 — Capital offence introduced (Section 295-C).
“Derogatory remarks… in respect of the Holy Prophet” made punishable by death or life imprisonment, with fine—an enduring centerpiece of the regime.
1990 — Federal Shariat Court mandates death penalty under §295-C
The Federal Shariat Court (FSC), in Muhammad Ismail Qureshi v. Pakistan, rules that the punishment for derogatory remarks against the Prophet under §295-C can only be death. The alternative of life imprisonment, included in the 1986 amendment, is struck down as “repugnant to Islam.” The government appeals to the Supreme Court but later quietly withdraws the appeal, making the FSC ruling binding law in practice.
1990s–2000s — Growing politicization and occasional violent incidents
Across these decades the laws are increasingly used in personal disputes and communal pressure; prosecutions increase and the law begins to be invoked disproportionally against minorities and vulnerable individuals.
2001 — Musharraf Attempted reforms to blasphemy laws
Musharraf proposed requiring local officials to screen blasphemy complaints before FIRs (First Information Reports) to prevent frivolous cases. Islamist parties protested, viewing it as dilution of "Islamic" laws, forcing Musharraf to shelve the plan amid post-9/11 alliances with the U.S.
2006 — Musharraf's renewed push for safeguards
In response to rising abuses, Musharraf advocated mandatory preliminary inquiries for blasphemy charges. This faced fierce opposition from religious lobbies, illustrating how blasphemy became a political flashpoint between his "enlightened moderation" agenda and conservative forces.
2009-2010 — Asia Bibi case sparks national debate
Asia Bibi, a Christian farmworker, is accused of insulting the Prophet after a dispute over drinking water. In November 2010 she got sentenced to death under §295-C. Her case received global attention and ignited calls for reform.
2010 — Internet/social media controls
Government blocks or restricts websites (e.g., temporary Facebook block over Everybody Draw Mohammed Day). This shows how blasphemy politics extends into censorship and online speech controls.
2010 — Sherry Rehman tables reform bill
In November 2010, PPP lawmaker Sherry Rehman introduced a private member’s bill to amend §295-C, proposing procedural safeguards and removal of the mandatory death penalty. The bill is immediately met with fierce backlash from religious parties, who label her a blasphemer.
2010 — Salman Taseer defends Asia Bibi
Punjab Governor Salman Taseer visits Asia Bibi in jail and publicly criticizes the blasphemy laws as “black laws.” He calls for a presidential pardon in her case, enraging religious conservatives.
2011 — Assassination of Salman Taseer
On January 4, 2011, Taseer is gunned down by his bodyguard, Mumtaz Qadri, who claims he acted to punish “blasphemy.” Qadri is hailed as a hero by sections of the public and religious leaders. The murder sends shockwaves through Pakistan and effectively silences mainstream reform efforts.
March 2011 — Assassination of Shahbaz Bhatti
On March 2, 2011, Federal Minister for Minorities Affairs Shahbaz Bhatti — the only Christian cabinet member — was assassinated in Islamabad after openly calling for reform and supporting Asia Bibi. Leaflets by extremist groups claiming responsibility are found at the scene.
2015–2017 — Mumtaz Qadri Hanged, Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) emerges
After the execution of Mumtaz Qadri (Salman Taseer’s assassin) in 2016, the Barelvi movement coalesces into TLP under Khadim Hussain Rizvi. By late 2017, TLP stages the Faizabad sit-in against changes to the electoral oath, paralyzing Islamabad and extracting concessions from the state. This marked the arrival of a new hardline political force dedicated to defending and expanding blasphemy laws.
2016 — PECA (Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act) passed
Parliament enacts PECA, ostensibly to regulate cybercrime, but it soon becomes a tool to prosecute online speech. Authorities begin pairing blasphemy charges with PECA provisions to police Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp posts.
2017 — First wave of digital crackdowns under PECA
Social media users accused of “blasphemy” are arrested in high-profile cases. A public campaign led by the interior ministry warns against “online blasphemy.” The Islamabad High Court even suggests the death penalty could extend to online speech.
2017 — Faizabad Sit-In (Khatm-e-Nabuwwat Oath Dispute)
The government amended the election oath, altering the wording on the finality of Prophethood. Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) branded it as blasphemy and staged a crippling sit-in in Islamabad. The protest paralyzed the capital, ended only after the military brokered a deal: Law Minister Zahid Hamid resigned and the original oath was restored. The episode showed how blasphemy issues can destabilize the state and empower extremist groups.
At the same time, PTI leader Imran Khan publicly defended Pakistan’s blasphemy laws, declaring: “We are standing with Article 295-C and will defend it.” His stance aligned with religious hardliners and signaled his unwillingness to support any reform of the controversial law.
2018–2022 — PECA weaponized against dissent
Successive governments expand PECA’s use:
- 2018–19: Journalists, bloggers, and activists charged with “blasphemous” content online.
- 2020: PECA amendments broaden the law’s scope, allowing FIA to act against “religious offence” speech.
- 2022: Khan’s PTI government uses PECA to criminalize “fake news” and further chill free expression — critics note overlap with blasphemy enforcement.
2018–2021 — Imran Khan defends blasphemy laws
As PM, Imran Khan repeatedly backs Pakistan’s blasphemy framework. He tells parliament that blasphemy laws will never be repealed, warns against “Western pressure,” and calls for global anti-blasphemy standards at the UN. His rhetoric cements the laws as untouchable in mainstream politics, further narrowing space for reform.
2023 — PECA & blasphemy converge
The state aggressively monitors online content, combining PECA and blasphemy provisions. Christian and Ahmadi activists report cases filed over social media posts. The chilling effect extends to WhatsApp groups and private messages.
2023 — Blasphemy laws expanded and toughened
Parliament passes the Criminal Laws (Amendment) Act, 2023, expanding §298-A to cover more revered Islamic figures (including the Prophet’s wives and companions). Punishment is raised from 3 years to a minimum of 10 years (extendable to life), fines up to Rs. 1 million are introduced, and the offence is made non-bailable. Rights groups warn this widens scope for abuse and further endangers minorities.
2024 — Organized “Blasphemy Business Group” surfaces
By late 2024, security agencies—including Punjab’s Special Branch—identify a criminal network exploiting blasphemy laws to extort youth. The group allegedly tricks individuals (often via social media or WhatsApp) into sharing content deemed blasphemous, then threatens them with false blasphemy charges unless paid off. Victims number in the hundreds, and many cases appear to involve collusion with Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) officials.
2025 — Human Rights Watch report reveals systemic extortion & land grabs
In June 2025, HRW publishes a major report titled “A Conspiracy to Grab the Land.” It documents how blasphemy accusations are used as tools by vested parties—often targeting religious minorities—to force forced evictions, acquire property, or blackmail victims. Dozens of families have been displaced, and a pattern of impunity for perpetrators is clear.